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🔗 full text: https://open.substack.com/pub/sideway... IV. One Logic, Three Political Architectures This logic does not manifest uniformly. Its expression depends on institutional history, political culture, and narrative resources. Yet the structural similarities are difficult to ignore. A. United States: Procedural Machiavellianism In the United States, the post-9/11 era inaugurated a transformation without regime rupture. Constitutional continuity was preserved. Elections continued. Courts functioned. Alongside these, however, emerged a durable security architecture: mass surveillance, classified legal interpretations, executive discretion insulated by national security claims. What began as emergency response hardened into permanent capacity. The American variant of Machiavellianism is procedural. It operates through legal elasticity rather than overt repression. Power expands not by suspending law, but by interpreting it under conditions of necessity. Here, Machiavelli wears a constitutional suit. B. Russia: Civilizational Machiavellianism Russia offers a more explicit version. Liberal constraint is not reinterpreted; it is rejected. Power does not apologize for itself. The state defines morality, not the other way around. The Russian system frames itself as honest rather than virtuous. Its narrative rests on the claim that Western liberalism practices Machiavellianism while denying it. Russia, by contrast, claims to acknowledge power’s nature openly. Whether one accepts this framing or not, its internal coherence matters. In a world fatigued by hypocrisy, bluntness becomes a form of legitimacy. Here, Machiavelli does not hide.He speaks plainly. C. Israel: Security-Identity Machiavellianism Israel represents a third configuration, shaped by history, trauma, and geography. Permanent threat perception has been central to its political life since inception. In recent years, this condition has been intensified by the growing influence of religious-nationalist factions. In this model, security is not merely a policy domain; it is an identity framework. Survival is not episodic but existential. Under such conditions, institutional restraint can be framed as vulnerability, and legal limitation as irresponsibility. This is not a story about religion or ethnicity. It is about how existential narratives enable exceptional governance, and how democracy adapts under conditions where threat is never declared resolved. Here, Machiavelli speaks the language of survival. V. The Enemy as a Structural Requirement Across systems, one constant emerges: the enemy must persist. Enemies justify urgency. They stabilize exception. They simplify complexity. Crucially, they do not need to be defeated—only managed. A permanent adversary allows power to remain mobilized. Peace, by contrast, is administratively disruptive. It invites scrutiny, decentralization, and the return of procedural friction. In this sense, modern power does not seek resolution.It seeks containment without closure. VI. Living Inside Permanent Exception The human cost of this transformation is rarely framed as such, yet it is pervasive. Societies governed through continuous alert experience emotional exhaustion. Political participation becomes performative or hostile. Citizens oscillate between disengagement and radicalization, not because they reject democracy, but because they no longer recognize its mechanisms as responsive. People adapt. They internalize urgency. They lower expectations. They accept opacity as the price of safety. They do not choose Machiavelli.They live inside his assumptions. VII. Europe: An Unfinished Test Europe enters this picture differently. The European project was explicitly designed to resist Machiavellian logic: law over force, process over decision, interdependence over dominance. Yet Europe operates in the same crisis-saturated environment. It, too, faces the temptation of managerial efficiency, technocratic insulation, and security-driven legitimacy. Europe’s challenge is not ideological. It is temporal. Can a system built on delay survive in a world that rewards speed? Europe does not face a binary choice between law and effectiveness. It faces a subtler risk: becoming Machiavellian by inertia rather than conviction. VIII. When Effectiveness Becomes Default The most distinctive feature of contemporary Machiavellianism is not its ruthlessness, but its invisibility. Exception enters the system as response. It remains as habit. Over time, it ceases to feel exceptional at all. At that point, Machiavelli no longer competes with Montesquieu.He replaces him quietly. The question that remains is not whether this logic works. It often does. The question is how long systems governed by permanent exception can remember why limits were introduced in the first place—once urgency has erased the memory of restraint.