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Jacek Kuroń - Organising self-help (83/150)

To listen to more of Jacek Kuroń’s stories, go to the playlist:    • Jacek Kuroń (Social activist)   Polish activist Jacek Kuroń (1934-2004) helped to transform the political landscape of Poland. He was expelled from the communist party, arrested and incarcerated. He was also instrumental in setting up Workers' Defence Committee (KOR) and became a Minister of Labour and Social Policy. [Listeners: Jacek Petrycki, Marcel Łoziński; date recorded: 1987] TRANSCRIPT: The sense of shame that prevailed among the Polish intelligentsia after '70 is important here. It was a kind of hangover, we'd remained silent and so we all said straight away, I remember how we practiced this several times, that if anything happens, as soon as there's any kind of worker's strike, we will speak up immediately. That was the basic thing we had to do, no matter how many of us were locked up, the ones who were - we even decided to give our signatures in advance. That's why in '76 when as soon as we found out about the strike, we got together I remember Jan Józef Lipski, Adam, Kuba Karpiński and Jan Olszewski and we wrote the first text expressing solidarity, and we published it immediately. However, there was one other thing that was incredibly important to our future activities, and that was the fact, which I've already mentioned here, of very broadly understood self-help which was always a feature of the commandos and even more so of Jan Józef Lipski and that group he was associated with. It was a post-AK, leftist liberal group of the Krzywe Koło. They'd always had some money, part of it had been given to them by Melchior, then other richer members of the Krzywe Koło gave money which Jan Józef used to help political prisoners to pay for their legal representatives. This was the beginning of the whole thing for which we later had to organise collections in March. After we came out of prison, we found out that Ruch had been locked up so we organised help for the families of Ruch. It was KOR without the name of the Committee for the Defence of Ruch. We disseminated information about them and found out what there was about them and sent it to the West so that the first documents about this could be published. There were the Kowalczyk brothers who blew up the main hall, we were very active on their behalf because they'd been given the death penalty and we wanted to get it commuted to a life sentence. So again, we had to get help for them, information about them. So to say what that group which broadly speaking was post-commando, people from Krzywe Koło and some of the youth from Catholic Intelligentsia Club, to say what they were all doing, well, they were doing everything, the same things that we did later on in KOR except on a much smaller scale. We didn't publish our own texts but rather we used the Paris-based 'Kultura' which was smuggled in, and we'd debate it, some texts would be typed out and then a few copies would be distributed. There was a lot of debate, self-help. So we were naturally ready for what happened in '76. As I said, we published that text and then things went quiet. Word reached us that there was repression in Ursus, in Radom but there wasn't much to go on. A huge debate erupted among us. Shall we, shalln't we? Let's go. What are we going to do? As always, I was saying we should act straight away, now. Except I was thinking of a broader... of developing the operation with the petition, making it more of a mass operation with fundamental values and signatures, because I need to mention that the unity between these various intelligentsia groups around the programme of pluralism and democracy was expressed in the big constitutional campaign initiated by the Letter of the 59 which was made up of the same people: Kuba Karpiński, Jan Olszewski and I who together had drafted this letter, the first draft and then we'd debated it, I, Adam and others. We convinced other intellectual friends until finally we achieved a very broad letter which was a protest against changes to the Constitution but in effect was a declaration of democracy and of the position of Polish intelligentsia in relation to parliamentary democracy, pluralism. This was followed by a big constitutional campaign and that was the first great success of this combined group of people, and at the same time it was a declaration of the will of ideology.

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